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急！ 想英國出手，快寄信！10月14日截止
急！ 想英國出手，快寄信！10月14日截止
＊遞信、狂SHARE、 叫埋親朋戚友一齊寄！＊
英國外交事務委員會 現正就英國與香港既關係及《英中聯合聲明》簽署三十年展開調查， 諮詢我地既意見，邀請大家提供證供及可行建議。
想英國出手，就快啲遞信！
截止日期：10月14日
範例信函內容：
1) 個人資料及經歷；
2) 批評外交及聯邦事務部果份《香港半年報告書》；
3) 中國違反《英中聯合聲明》之理據；
4) 建議英國政府應採取既行動，包括 (a)就香港問題需要採取更清晰既外交姿態；(b) 宣告聯合聲明失效； (c) 要求聯合國撤回1972年將香港從殖民地列表刪除既決定，將香港加並協助香港行使殖民地自決權。
遞信步驟：
1) 點選連結，下載範例信函（docx 檔案格式）：
https://www.dropbox.com/s/timlrrflcq32nmk/Submission_House of Commons_YOUR NAME.docx
2) 將檔案名稱改為「Submission_House of Commons_YOUR NAME.docx」，「YOUR NAME」位置打返你個真實姓名。
- - -
3) 以MS Word開啟檔案，將下列幾個部份修改（喺文件第一頁及第二頁）：
a) 黃色highlight提示部份：
i. 標題：將「Your Name」修改為你既真實姓名（文件第一頁）；
ii. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 首句可因應需要刪除「and a British National (holder of BN(O) passport)」（文件第一頁）；
iii. INTRODUCTION 首句選取或填寫你既職業：「student/blue-collar worker/white-collar worker/(your occupation)」（文件第二頁）；
iv. 將文章裏面既黃色Highlight 取消
b) 修改第一頁左上角既日期為你遞信既日期；
c) INTRODUCTION第二段及第三段，最好修改描述你既個人經歷及親身感受，可以多講述中國點樣殖民香港，你既生活點樣受破壞、幾咁鐘意英治時代等等。（文件第二頁）；
d) 檢查全文字數係咪少於3,000字（而家2,973字）；
e) 遞交檔案前，注意事項：字數要少於3000字及一定要doc文件檔格式
- - -
4) 將檔案上載至國會網站：http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/foreign-affairs-committee/inquiries1/parliament-2010/hong-kong/commons-written-submission-form/
a) 於該網頁，點選機構 (an organization) 或個人 (an individual)；
b) 填寫你既資料：姓名、電子郵件地址及電話；
c) 輸入隨機字，點選「I confirm...」果句；
d) 按「Submit」
遞交徂信件後，記得SHARE呢個post，叫埋親朋戚友一齊寄！
截止日期為：十月十四日，剩餘幾日，快遞信！
:::::::::
We are fighting for genuine democracy, freedom and decolonisation - the right of self-determination just like Gibraltar and the Falklands to become a British Oversea Territory. Liberate Hong Kong from totalitarian China!
請LIKE﹠SHARE 本版，跟貼行動：https://www.facebook.com/HongKongandUK.Reunite
#UmbrellaRevolution #HK ＃hongkong #URHK #遮打革命
source :
【急！10月14日截止，想英國出手，快寄信！】
https://www.facebook.com/HongKongandUKreunite/photos/a.743285575716720.1073741828.743198725725405/832006843511259/?type=1&theater;
＊遞信、狂SHARE、 叫埋親朋戚友一齊寄！＊
英國外交事務委員會 現正就英國與香港既關係及《英中聯合聲明》簽署三十年展開調查， 諮詢我地既意見，邀請大家提供證供及可行建議。
想英國出手，就快啲遞信！
截止日期：10月14日
範例信函內容：
1) 個人資料及經歷；
2) 批評外交及聯邦事務部果份《香港半年報告書》；
3) 中國違反《英中聯合聲明》之理據；
4) 建議英國政府應採取既行動，包括 (a)就香港問題需要採取更清晰既外交姿態；(b) 宣告聯合聲明失效； (c) 要求聯合國撤回1972年將香港從殖民地列表刪除既決定，將香港加並協助香港行使殖民地自決權。
遞信步驟：
1) 點選連結，下載範例信函（docx 檔案格式）：
https://www.dropbox.com/s/timlrrflcq32nmk/Submission_House of Commons_YOUR NAME.docx
2) 將檔案名稱改為「Submission_House of Commons_YOUR NAME.docx」，「YOUR NAME」位置打返你個真實姓名。
- - -
3) 以MS Word開啟檔案，將下列幾個部份修改（喺文件第一頁及第二頁）：
a) 黃色highlight提示部份：
i. 標題：將「Your Name」修改為你既真實姓名（文件第一頁）；
ii. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 首句可因應需要刪除「and a British National (holder of BN(O) passport)」（文件第一頁）；
iii. INTRODUCTION 首句選取或填寫你既職業：「student/blue-collar worker/white-collar worker/(your occupation)」（文件第二頁）；
iv. 將文章裏面既黃色Highlight 取消
b) 修改第一頁左上角既日期為你遞信既日期；
c) INTRODUCTION第二段及第三段，最好修改描述你既個人經歷及親身感受，可以多講述中國點樣殖民香港，你既生活點樣受破壞、幾咁鐘意英治時代等等。（文件第二頁）；
d) 檢查全文字數係咪少於3,000字（而家2,973字）；
e) 遞交檔案前，注意事項：字數要少於3000字及一定要doc文件檔格式
- - -
4) 將檔案上載至國會網站：http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/foreign-affairs-committee/inquiries1/parliament-2010/hong-kong/commons-written-submission-form/
a) 於該網頁，點選機構 (an organization) 或個人 (an individual)；
b) 填寫你既資料：姓名、電子郵件地址及電話；
c) 輸入隨機字，點選「I confirm...」果句；
d) 按「Submit」
遞交徂信件後，記得SHARE呢個post，叫埋親朋戚友一齊寄！
截止日期為：十月十四日，剩餘幾日，快遞信！
:::::::::
We are fighting for genuine democracy, freedom and decolonisation - the right of self-determination just like Gibraltar and the Falklands to become a British Oversea Territory. Liberate Hong Kong from totalitarian China!
請LIKE﹠SHARE 本版，跟貼行動：https://www.facebook.com/HongKongandUK.Reunite
#UmbrellaRevolution #HK ＃hongkong #URHK #遮打革命
source :
【急！10月14日截止，想英國出手，快寄信！】
https://www.facebook.com/HongKongandUKreunite/photos/a.743285575716720.1073741828.743198725725405/832006843511259/?type=1&theater;
本貼文共有 30 個回覆
此貼文已鎖，將不接受回覆
LM
算吧啦六師弟
[寫信用] 彭定康：審視「 一國兩制」真偽的標準 ( Benchmarks )
彭定康：審視「 一國兩制」真偽的標準
審時度勢 -- 香港 和世界應採用的基準 Benchmarks for Hong Kong ─ and the world
89. The world should want China to succeed as it continues its brave economic revolution, and therefore the world will watch Hong Kong with special interest. It will want to be reassured that two systems are indeed surviving and co-habiting in one country.
I hope that the world will judge Hong Kong not by preconceptions but by the evidence of what actually happens here. The sensible will undoubtedly apply a number of clear benchmarks as events unfold. These benchmarks will certainly include some of the following.
─ Is Hong Kong's Civil Service still professional and meritocratic? Are its key positions filled by individuals who command the confidence of their colleagues and the community and owe their appointments only to their own abilities?
─ Is the SAR Government writing its own Budget on the basis of its own policies, or is it under pressure to respond to objectives dictated by Beijing?
─ Is the Hong Kong Monetary Authority managing Hong Kong's Exchange Fund without outside interference?
─ Is Hong Kong behaving in a truly autonomous way in international economic organizations?
─ Is the Hong Kong legislature passing laws in response to the aspirations of the Hong Kong community and the policies of the SAR Government, or is it legislating under pressure from Beijing?
─ Are Hong Kong's courts continuing to operate without interference?
─ Is the Independent Commission Against Corruption continuing to act vigorously against all forms of corruption including cases in which China's interests may be involved?
─ Is Hong Kong continuing to maintain its own network of international law enforcement liaison relationships?
─ Is the integrity of the Hong Kong/Guangdong border being maintained, including the separate border controls operated by the Hong Kong Immigration Department?
─ Is the Hong Kong press still free, with uninhibited coverage of China and of issues on which China has strong views?
─ Are new constraints being imposed on freedom of assembly? Are the annual commemorations and vigils of recent years still being allowed?
─ Are foreign journalists and media organizations in Hong Kong still free to operate without controls?
─ Is anybody being prosecuted or harassed for the peaceful expression of political, social, or religious views?
─ Are Hong Kong's legislators, at successive stages of the transition, fairly and openly elected, and truly representative of the community?
─ Are democratic politicians continuing to play an active role in Hong Kong politics, or are they being excluded or marginalized by external pressure?
─ Is the Chief Executive exercising genuine autonomy in the areas provided for in the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law?
90. Those are the questions the world will ask. We all hope that the world will get reassuring answers.
91. That solemn moment for my successor, to which I referred, will also be a grave moment for me as I leave Hong Kong.
92. Governors have lived for Hong Kong. One or two have literally died for Hong Kong. But all have found Hong Kong, in and out of office, an all-consuming interest. Retired to our grey and green island, past Governors have watched from afar with keen-eyed interest and, doubtless, occasional frustration as Hong Kong's history has unfolded. I shall do the same, carrying with me one frustration, gnawed by one anxiety, comforted by one certainty.
93. For me the frustration, the greatest in this job, is that I have not been able to put my personal view of Hong Kong's best interests to the test which legitimizes leadership in most free societies, the test of the ballot box. But Hong Kong has been promised that its government will develop so that that can happen one day, a day I hope I shall see and a day that I shall be delighted to put down to China's credit and to the credit of those in this territory who have stood up bravely for the people of Hong Kong.
94. My anxiety is this ─ and I want to stress this point with all the strength that I command ─ my anxiety is not that this community's autonomy would be usurped by Beijing, but that it could be given away bit by bit by some people in Hong Kong.
We all know, we all know that over the last couple of years we have seen decisions, taken in good faith by the Government of Hong Kong, appealed surreptitiously to Beijing ─ decisions taken in the interests of the whole community lobbied against behind closed doors by those whose personal interests may have been adversely affected.
That is damaging to Hong Kong because it draws Chinese officials into matters which should fall squarely within the autonomy of Hong Kong. If we in Hong Kong want our autonomy, then it needs to be defended and asserted by everyone here ─ by businessmen, politicians, journalists, academics and other community leaders, as well as by public servants.
95. And what of that truth which more than anything else gives me confidence in Hong Kong? The truth is this. The qualities, the beliefs, the ideals that have made Hong Kong's present will still be here to shape Hong Kong's future.
96. Hong Kong, it seems to me, has always lived by the author, Jack LONDON's credo:
"I would rather be ashes than dust,
I would rather my spark should burn out in a brilliant blaze,
Than it should be stifled in dry rot.
I would rather be a superb meteor,
With every atom of me in magnificent glow,
Than a sleepy and permanent planet."
97. Whatever the challenges ahead, nothing, nothing should bring this meteor crashing to earth, nothing should snuff out its glow. I hope that Hong Kong will take tomorrow by storm. And when it does, history will stand and cheer.
SUSPENSION OF SITTING
PRESIDENT (in Cantonese): In accordance with Standing Orders I now suspend the sitting until 2.30 pm tomorrow afternoon.
Suspended accordingly at six minutes past Four o'clock.
source:
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/english/lc_sitg/hansard/han0210.htm
- - -
據下議院網站星期二（7月22日）的公布，意見書須 在10月14日或之前 透過國會網站送抵委員會，不得多於 3,000字，並且須附帶一個摘要及有關提交者或組織的簡單介紹，以MS Word的文字制式提交，不接受 PDF檔案，檔案體積 不得超過 25MB。
post852 : 英下議院 外交委員會查 聯合聲明實施情況
http://www.post852.com/英下議院外交委員會查聯合聲明實施情況/
英國國會 LINK：
http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/foreign-affairs-committee/news/hong-kong-tor/
彭定康：審視「 一國兩制」真偽的標準
審時度勢 -- 香港 和世界應採用的基準 Benchmarks for Hong Kong ─ and the world
89. The world should want China to succeed as it continues its brave economic revolution, and therefore the world will watch Hong Kong with special interest. It will want to be reassured that two systems are indeed surviving and co-habiting in one country.
I hope that the world will judge Hong Kong not by preconceptions but by the evidence of what actually happens here. The sensible will undoubtedly apply a number of clear benchmarks as events unfold. These benchmarks will certainly include some of the following.
─ Is Hong Kong's Civil Service still professional and meritocratic? Are its key positions filled by individuals who command the confidence of their colleagues and the community and owe their appointments only to their own abilities?
─ Is the SAR Government writing its own Budget on the basis of its own policies, or is it under pressure to respond to objectives dictated by Beijing?
─ Is the Hong Kong Monetary Authority managing Hong Kong's Exchange Fund without outside interference?
─ Is Hong Kong behaving in a truly autonomous way in international economic organizations?
─ Is the Hong Kong legislature passing laws in response to the aspirations of the Hong Kong community and the policies of the SAR Government, or is it legislating under pressure from Beijing?
─ Are Hong Kong's courts continuing to operate without interference?
─ Is the Independent Commission Against Corruption continuing to act vigorously against all forms of corruption including cases in which China's interests may be involved?
─ Is Hong Kong continuing to maintain its own network of international law enforcement liaison relationships?
─ Is the integrity of the Hong Kong/Guangdong border being maintained, including the separate border controls operated by the Hong Kong Immigration Department?
─ Is the Hong Kong press still free, with uninhibited coverage of China and of issues on which China has strong views?
─ Are new constraints being imposed on freedom of assembly? Are the annual commemorations and vigils of recent years still being allowed?
─ Are foreign journalists and media organizations in Hong Kong still free to operate without controls?
─ Is anybody being prosecuted or harassed for the peaceful expression of political, social, or religious views?
─ Are Hong Kong's legislators, at successive stages of the transition, fairly and openly elected, and truly representative of the community?
─ Are democratic politicians continuing to play an active role in Hong Kong politics, or are they being excluded or marginalized by external pressure?
─ Is the Chief Executive exercising genuine autonomy in the areas provided for in the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law?
90. Those are the questions the world will ask. We all hope that the world will get reassuring answers.
91. That solemn moment for my successor, to which I referred, will also be a grave moment for me as I leave Hong Kong.
92. Governors have lived for Hong Kong. One or two have literally died for Hong Kong. But all have found Hong Kong, in and out of office, an all-consuming interest. Retired to our grey and green island, past Governors have watched from afar with keen-eyed interest and, doubtless, occasional frustration as Hong Kong's history has unfolded. I shall do the same, carrying with me one frustration, gnawed by one anxiety, comforted by one certainty.
93. For me the frustration, the greatest in this job, is that I have not been able to put my personal view of Hong Kong's best interests to the test which legitimizes leadership in most free societies, the test of the ballot box. But Hong Kong has been promised that its government will develop so that that can happen one day, a day I hope I shall see and a day that I shall be delighted to put down to China's credit and to the credit of those in this territory who have stood up bravely for the people of Hong Kong.
94. My anxiety is this ─ and I want to stress this point with all the strength that I command ─ my anxiety is not that this community's autonomy would be usurped by Beijing, but that it could be given away bit by bit by some people in Hong Kong.
We all know, we all know that over the last couple of years we have seen decisions, taken in good faith by the Government of Hong Kong, appealed surreptitiously to Beijing ─ decisions taken in the interests of the whole community lobbied against behind closed doors by those whose personal interests may have been adversely affected.
That is damaging to Hong Kong because it draws Chinese officials into matters which should fall squarely within the autonomy of Hong Kong. If we in Hong Kong want our autonomy, then it needs to be defended and asserted by everyone here ─ by businessmen, politicians, journalists, academics and other community leaders, as well as by public servants.
95. And what of that truth which more than anything else gives me confidence in Hong Kong? The truth is this. The qualities, the beliefs, the ideals that have made Hong Kong's present will still be here to shape Hong Kong's future.
96. Hong Kong, it seems to me, has always lived by the author, Jack LONDON's credo:
"I would rather be ashes than dust,
I would rather my spark should burn out in a brilliant blaze,
Than it should be stifled in dry rot.
I would rather be a superb meteor,
With every atom of me in magnificent glow,
Than a sleepy and permanent planet."
97. Whatever the challenges ahead, nothing, nothing should bring this meteor crashing to earth, nothing should snuff out its glow. I hope that Hong Kong will take tomorrow by storm. And when it does, history will stand and cheer.
SUSPENSION OF SITTING
PRESIDENT (in Cantonese): In accordance with Standing Orders I now suspend the sitting until 2.30 pm tomorrow afternoon.
Suspended accordingly at six minutes past Four o'clock.
source:
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/english/lc_sitg/hansard/han0210.htm
- - -
據下議院網站星期二（7月22日）的公布，意見書須 在10月14日或之前 透過國會網站送抵委員會，不得多於 3,000字，並且須附帶一個摘要及有關提交者或組織的簡單介紹，以MS Word的文字制式提交，不接受 PDF檔案，檔案體積 不得超過 25MB。
post852 : 英下議院 外交委員會查 聯合聲明實施情況
http://www.post852.com/英下議院外交委員會查聯合聲明實施情況/
英國國會 LINK：
http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/foreign-affairs-committee/news/hong-kong-tor/
quoted : from 憤怒的CY brother
─ Is Hong Kong's Civil Service still professional and meritocratic? Are its key positions filled by individuals who command the confidence of their colleagues and the community and owe their appointments only to their own abilities?
香港既公共服務係咪依然專業同埋-任人唯才？佢嘅重要崗位係咪由值得同行及社會信賴、以及量力而為嘅人士擔任？
─ Is the SAR Government writing its own Budget on the basis of its own policies, or is it under pressure to respond to objectives dictated by Beijing?
政府係咪根據自己嘅政策去安排政府財務，定抑或係係北京嘅壓力下安排呢？
─ Is the Hong Kong Monetary Authority managing Hong Kong's Exchange Fund without outside interference?
香港金融管理局係咪係冇受壓力之下管理香港嘅外匯基金？
─ Is Hong Kong behaving in a truly autonomous way in international economic organizations?
In terms of 國際性嘅經濟組織，香港係咪係呢方面保持自主？
─ Is the Hong Kong legislature passing laws in response to the aspirations of the Hong Kong community and the policies of the SAR Government, or is it legislating under pressure from Beijing?
立法局係咪依照民意同埋政府政策去通過法例？定抑或係喺北京嘅壓力下立法？
─ Are Hong Kong's courts continuing to operate without interference?
香港法院係咪不被干預／阻撓，繼續正常運作？
─ Is the Independent Commission Against Corruption continuing to act vigorously against all forms of corruption including cases in which China's interests may be involved?
ICAC係咪繼續大力地打擊貪污，就算中國利益可能受損？
─ Is Hong Kong continuing to maintain its own network of international law enforcement liaison relationships?
香港係咪繼續維持到自己嘅國際法執行聯絡機制？
─ Is the integrity of the Hong Kong/Guangdong border being maintained, including the separate border controls operated by the Hong Kong Immigration Department?
關口嘅完整係咪保持緊（包括由入境處操作嘅獨立關口控制）？
─ Is the Hong Kong press still free, with uninhibited coverage of China and of issues on which China has strong views?
香港傳媒係未仍然自由？可唔可以自由地報道中國有強烈意見嘅議題？
─ Are new constraints being imposed on freedom of assembly? Are the annual commemorations and vigils of recent years still being allowed?
係集會自由上，有冇新嘅約束被施加？有冇年度紀念或者晚會係咪仍然被允許進行？
─ Are foreign journalists and media organizations in Hong Kong still free to operate without controls?
係香港嘅外國傳媒機構係咪仍然自由地運作，不受控制？
─ Is anybody being prosecuted or harassed for the peaceful expression of political, social, or religious views?
有冇人和平地表達政治、社會或者宗教意見，但係被騷擾或檢控？
─ Are Hong Kong's legislators, at successive stages of the transition, fairly and openly elected, and truly representative of the community?
香港立法會議員係咪循序漸進地被公平、公開地選出，以及真正代表社會？
─ Are democratic politicians continuing to play an active role in Hong Kong politics, or are they being excluded or marginalized by external pressure?
政治人士係咪繼續係香港政治上扮演一個重要角色，定抑或係佢哋被外部壓力排除／邊緣化？
─ Is the Chief Executive exercising genuine autonomy in the areas provided for in the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law?
行政長官係咪喺悲息囉同埋中英聯合聲明嘅基礎下，維持高度自治？
source:
http://hkgalden.com/view/168600
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/english/lc_sitg/hansard/han0210.htm
http://hkgalden.com/view/168600
1996年施政報告 -- 港督彭定康：審視「 一國兩制 」真偽的標準
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/chinese/lc_sitg/hansard/961002hc.doc
1996 Policy Address
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/english/lc_sitg/hansard/han0210.htm
1996年施政報告 -- 港督彭定康
Hong Kong : Transition (1996) 港督彭定康
https://archive.org/details/hongkongtransiti00patt
[寫信用] 彭定康：審視「 一國兩制」真偽的標準 ( Benchmarks )
http://hkgalden.com/view/168600
─ Is Hong Kong's Civil Service still professional and meritocratic? Are its key positions filled by individuals who command the confidence of their colleagues and the community and owe their appointments only to their own abilities?
香港既公共服務係咪依然專業同埋-任人唯才？佢嘅重要崗位係咪由值得同行及社會信賴、以及量力而為嘅人士擔任？
─ Is the SAR Government writing its own Budget on the basis of its own policies, or is it under pressure to respond to objectives dictated by Beijing?
政府係咪根據自己嘅政策去安排政府財務，定抑或係係北京嘅壓力下安排呢？
─ Is the Hong Kong Monetary Authority managing Hong Kong's Exchange Fund without outside interference?
香港金融管理局係咪係冇受壓力之下管理香港嘅外匯基金？
─ Is Hong Kong behaving in a truly autonomous way in international economic organizations?
In terms of 國際性嘅經濟組織，香港係咪係呢方面保持自主？
─ Is the Hong Kong legislature passing laws in response to the aspirations of the Hong Kong community and the policies of the SAR Government, or is it legislating under pressure from Beijing?
立法局係咪依照民意同埋政府政策去通過法例？定抑或係喺北京嘅壓力下立法？
─ Are Hong Kong's courts continuing to operate without interference?
香港法院係咪不被干預／阻撓，繼續正常運作？
─ Is the Independent Commission Against Corruption continuing to act vigorously against all forms of corruption including cases in which China's interests may be involved?
ICAC係咪繼續大力地打擊貪污，就算中國利益可能受損？
─ Is Hong Kong continuing to maintain its own network of international law enforcement liaison relationships?
香港係咪繼續維持到自己嘅國際法執行聯絡機制？
─ Is the integrity of the Hong Kong/Guangdong border being maintained, including the separate border controls operated by the Hong Kong Immigration Department?
關口嘅完整係咪保持緊（包括由入境處操作嘅獨立關口控制）？
─ Is the Hong Kong press still free, with uninhibited coverage of China and of issues on which China has strong views?
香港傳媒係未仍然自由？可唔可以自由地報道中國有強烈意見嘅議題？
─ Are new constraints being imposed on freedom of assembly? Are the annual commemorations and vigils of recent years still being allowed?
係集會自由上，有冇新嘅約束被施加？有冇年度紀念或者晚會係咪仍然被允許進行？
─ Are foreign journalists and media organizations in Hong Kong still free to operate without controls?
係香港嘅外國傳媒機構係咪仍然自由地運作，不受控制？
─ Is anybody being prosecuted or harassed for the peaceful expression of political, social, or religious views?
有冇人和平地表達政治、社會或者宗教意見，但係被騷擾或檢控？
─ Are Hong Kong's legislators, at successive stages of the transition, fairly and openly elected, and truly representative of the community?
香港立法會議員係咪循序漸進地被公平、公開地選出，以及真正代表社會？
─ Are democratic politicians continuing to play an active role in Hong Kong politics, or are they being excluded or marginalized by external pressure?
政治人士係咪繼續係香港政治上扮演一個重要角色，定抑或係佢哋被外部壓力排除／邊緣化？
─ Is the Chief Executive exercising genuine autonomy in the areas provided for in the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law?
行政長官係咪喺悲息囉同埋中英聯合聲明嘅基礎下，維持高度自治？
source:
http://hkgalden.com/view/168600
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/english/lc_sitg/hansard/han0210.htm
http://hkgalden.com/view/168600
1996年施政報告 -- 港督彭定康：審視「 一國兩制 」真偽的標準
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/chinese/lc_sitg/hansard/961002hc.doc
1996 Policy Address
http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr96-97/english/lc_sitg/hansard/han0210.htm
1996年施政報告 -- 港督彭定康
Hong Kong : Transition (1996) 港督彭定康
https://archive.org/details/hongkongtransiti00patt
[寫信用] 彭定康：審視「 一國兩制」真偽的標準 ( Benchmarks )
http://hkgalden.com/view/168600
hello
down唔到，請用Google drive
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Write your own copy!
Write down what you see, what you experienced during the past decade, and your thought.
DON'T copy OP's letter.
OP I understand why you would like everyone to just copy a letter and send it to them. But think about it, this takes away our credibility! It makes us look like some shills in HK trying desperately to get Britain involved. And then people can speculate that we don't really understand what's going on / trolling the government etc. All sorts of bad intentions. Plus it alters completely the purpose of a consultation.
So, if you really wanna help OP, spread the message, and let people write their own letter.
Write down what you see, what you experienced during the past decade, and your thought.
DON'T copy OP's letter.
OP I understand why you would like everyone to just copy a letter and send it to them. But think about it, this takes away our credibility! It makes us look like some shills in HK trying desperately to get Britain involved. And then people can speculate that we don't really understand what's going on / trolling the government etc. All sorts of bad intentions. Plus it alters completely the purpose of a consultation.
So, if you really wanna help OP, spread the message, and let people write their own letter.
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自己香港自己救
死都要加埋遮打革命個logo都唔知搏乜
而家又唔聯署係要英國支持公民提名![[sosad]](/face/hkg/sosad.gif)
而家又唔聯署係要英國支持公民提名
。
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人地點解要幫你先
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淨係寫咗大綱 
斬眼維尼熊BB 一鍵留名！
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larryloBB 豁！豁出去！
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